Editorial note
In December 2024, a surprise offensive by Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) HTS, formerly Jabhat al-Nusra, then Jabhat Fateh al-Sham, it is a group of allied factions, active in Syrian civil war.At the start of the war, Jabhat al-Nusra was formed in 2012 by ISIL (ISIS), from which it split a year later and declared allegiance to al-Qaeda.It severed ties with al-Qaeda and joined with other factions to rebrand as HTS in 2017. and other rebel forces, some backed by the Turkish State, overthrew the government of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, ending over five decades of Assad family rule in Syria.
After the outbreak of protest movement in 2011, the country was in a state of constant civil war. Kurds in Syria, who faced repressions both from Assad’s regime and Turkish anti-kurdish military violence, were fighting for autonomy since then. The reason for fighting was not only self-determination for Kurds, but their basic survival.
In his 2016 report to the 12th session of the UN Human Rights Council titled Persecution and Discrimination against Kurdish Citizens in Syria, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights stated: “Successive Syrian governments continued to adopt a policy of ethnic discrimination and national persecution against Kurds, completely depriving them of their national, democratic and human rights — an integral part of human existence. The government imposed ethnically-based programs, regulations and exclusionary measures on various aspects of Kurds' lives — political, economic, social and cultural”.
On July 12, 2012, an agreement was signed in Erbil (Iraqi Kurdistan) between the rival Syrian Kurdish political and military forces, the Democratic Union PartyDemocratic Union Party (PYD, Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat) is a left-wing Kurdish political party established in 2003 as a Syrian branch of Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK, Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê). and the Kurdish National CouncilKurdish National Council is a political party established in 2011, which had conflicts with PKK because of the Kurdish autonomy vision., which effectively declared the sovereignty of Syrian Kurdistan under the rule of the Supreme Kurdish CouncilThe equal number of seats were given to both parties; this union was curated by the Iraqi Kurdistan President Massoud Barzani.. This marked the beginning of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES), also known as Rojava.
As Syrian political thinker and writer Yassin al-Haj Saleh argued,
In Syria, multiple imperial and subimperial powers have poured into one country — some of them to protect a murderous regime, all of them annihilating any independent political aspirations among its people, dividing up sectors of Syrian society among themselves and their satellites, and denying Syrians the promise of a different future.
This unique situation was made possible by a combination of internal as well as international structures and dynamics involving five key powers — the U.S., Russia, Iran, Turkey and Israel.
The key internal factors are the colonial nature of the Assad family’s rule and what I have called the “conquered imperialists” — that is, the Salafi-jihadist IslamistsA religious and political Sunni Islamist ideology with the deep emphasis on military violence and creation of a global caliphate. who played a central role in the Syrian tragedy and who bear an immense share of the responsibility for derailing the popular struggle and directing it away from its early, emancipatory aspirations.
We have asked four activists, artists and researchers of Kurdish origin or based in Rojava to share their thoughts on the current situation in the light of the recent events and the long history of complex and multi-agent interference in Syria and Kurdish autonomy politics. The questions were:
How do you feel about the fall of Assad’s regime, does it give any hope for Kurds in Syria and beyond or in the opposite — more fear and uncertainty?
Is it possible that Turkey, Israel, Russia’s politics and influence in the region will change somehow as a result of Assad's regime fall? And if it changes — then how?
What are the key points about the Kurdish struggle that we should know if we want to be in solidarity with you?
Ufuk Aydin,
a former political prisoner who got charged by being a PKK (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, Kurdistan Workers’ PartyKurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) is a socialist, independence-seeking, and liberation-based resistance group founded as a political party by Abdullah Öcalan in 1978. Turkey, U.S., and E.U. view PKK as a terrorist group, but experts highlight that it rather seeks a liberation and creation of a Kurdish state.) member. Arrested for involvement in the student movement in Turkey and spent nine years in prison. After being released completed a law degree and worked with various NGOs. Facing ongoing pressure from the Turkish government, moved to Germany and now lives in Berlin.
From a general public perspective, the collapse of the Syrian regime might seem surprising. However, for regional and international actors, this was not the case. According to Mazlum Abdi, leader of Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)It serves as the official military wing of Rojava. This group is supported by the U.S., before Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) made its move, Turkey had already informed Russia, which then notified the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES). However, no one anticipated that the Assad regime would fall so quickly.
So, what led to the sudden collapse of the Ba’athBa'athism is an ideology which seeks to establish a single Arab state. Ba'athism received a greater support in Syria and Iraq. regime, which had resisted for 15 years? First and foremost, it is essential to understand that Assad, one of the leaders who survived the Arab Spring, owed his survival to two major powers: Iran, a regional force, and Russia, an international one. Following the October 7 attacksHamas attacked Israel on October 7, 2023. These events would later result in a brutal destruction of Gaza, Palestine, by Israel. International organizations would classify Israeli attacks as a genocide., Israel’s operations in the region, the elimination of Hezbollah’sHezbollah is a Lebanese political party with armed forces, which seeks to establish an Islamist state in Lebanon. It was established as a response to Israeli bombings of South Lebanon. entire leadership in Lebanon, and strikes against nearly all Iran-linked militias left Iran unable to further support Assad.
For Russia, aware of the shifting dynamics in the region, aiding an Assad regime that had lost Iranian support has become too costly, particularly while continuing its invasion of Ukraine. Already burdened by the war against Ukraine, Russia has found it meaningless to continue defending the Ba’ath regime and decided to withdraw from the region. This left the Assad regime unable to resist further, leading to its downfall.
The regime’s collapse has created new circumstances for both regional and international powers. Particularly for Turkey, which seeks to assert itself as a regional power, and Israel, which aims to weaken the influence of Turkey and Iran in the Middle East while making the region more secure for itself. Since the start of the Syrian civil war, Turkey has been known to provide weapons to the armed groups in the region and has done everything possible to bring down the Assad regime. However, the emergence of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria in 2011 disrupted all of Turkey’s plans. Ending this Autonomous Administration became Turkey’s top priority.
Yet, the Kurds, arguably the only democratic and pluralistic force in the region, became a focal point by successfully fighting ISISIslamist State of Iraq and ash-Sham is an international terrorist organization based in Syria and Iraq, which seeks to create a single Sunni Islamist State in previous Ottoman Empire's territories., prompting Western nations to aid this stateless nation for the first time in a century. While this support aligned with Western interests, it marked a crucial moment for the Kurdish people, as it challenged the centuries-long domination by Turkish, Arab, and Persian colonial systems. The Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria is now exploring ways to solidify this progress.
It must be noted that the collapse of the Assad regime has not yielded entirely positive outcomes for the Kurds. Turkey, emboldened by its supported groups gaining power, has intensified its targeting of the Autonomous Administration. While the continuation of the Assad regime might have provided a better scenario for the Kurds, as it could have led to the recognition of Rojava’s autonomous status by international powers, this did not materialize. Now, Turkey aims to reshape Syria to serve its interests taking into account Trump’s return to power. Simultaneously, Turkey has resumed negotiations with PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, detained on Imrali Island. These negotiations aim to prevent Rojava from achieving international recognition or, at the very least, to establish an autonomous administration under Turkey’s influence.
In light of the recent developments, it is worth highlighting the protocol signed between Mazlum Abdi and Ahmed al-SharaaAhmed Hussein al-Sharaa, also known by his former alias as Abu Mohammad al-Joulani, the leader of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham. Al-Sharaa is currently serving as the president of Syria since January 2025. following Abdullah Öcalan’s call for a democratic society. This agreement was undoubtedly initiated and mediated by the United States. Turkey did not welcome the protocol, as Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan openly expressed his dissatisfaction. Similarly, the Syrian government signaled its reluctance to fully implement the agreement by releasing a draft constitution shortly afterward.
Given these circumstances, the protocol appears to be more of a declaration of intent rather than a binding agreement. However, it also suggests that the Syrian government has been compelled to acknowledge the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. The key now is to monitor whether the protocol will be implemented and to closely follow future developments.
Whether these developments will benefit regional hegemonic powers or the oppressed peoples of the region remains uncertain. The outcome will depend on the struggle of the Kurdish people. Looking back at the 2015 Kobane siegeThis was the military operation launched by Islamic State on 13 September, 2014. The goal of IS was to siege Kobane in Rojava. More than 400 thousand refugees (Kurds, mainly) fled to Turkey as a result of this operation. and subsequent events provides a precedent. The Kurds resisted the ISIS siege to the end and did not surrender. When international powers saw the Kurds’ resilience, they intervened against ISIS. A similar scenario is not hard to foresee.
A century ago, the Kurds were divided into four parts by imperial powers. Since then, Kurds in these four regions have been massacred by Arab, Persian, and Turkish colonialisms. Now, a century later, these four states (Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria) are beginning to shake, creating a renewed opportunity for Kurdish freedom. Kurds, particularly in Iran, Syria, and Turkey, often lean towards socialist ideologies and work to implement PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan’s concept of the “Democratic Nation”. This idea challenges the monolithic structure of nation-states and offers an alternative model for coexistence in a region that has historically been home to many civilizations. Nation-states in the Middle East exacerbate conflicts and pave the way for new atrocities. At this juncture, supporting Kurdish movements and fostering coexistence among the region’s peoples is essential.
Another critical point that must not be overlooked is that nearly all of Turkey’s foreign policy choices are driven by hostility toward the Kurds. One of the primary goals of the so-called Neo-OttomanismNeo-Ottomanism is an imperialist ideology used by Erdogan to justify Turkish presence in the previous Ottoman colonies. movement is to dominate Kurdish regions and establish itself as a hegemonic power in the Middle East. At this juncture, Turkey’s policy must be exposed, and the statements of Kurdish leaders and organizations should receive greater coverage in the media.
Likewise, it is essential to convey to the masses that the latest Kurdish uprising, led by the PKK, is not merely a struggle for national liberation. Its aspirations go beyond that, with the ultimate goal of establishing democracy and human rights not only in the Middle East but across the world. As Abdullah Öcalan frequently emphasizes, the great struggle is between the oppressed and the oppressors. Through solidarity among oppressed and marginalized peoples, we can collectively achieve humane living conditions for everyone.
Aisha,
an independent researcher and journalist.
How do you feel about the Assad regime falling in Syria, does it give any hopes for Kurds in Syria and beyond or in the opposite?
It’s a double-edged sword. While Assad’s regime has been brutal toward Kurds — for example, denying citizenship to stateless Kurds for decades, suppressing Kurdish language and culture, his government’s collapse could unleash even worse chaos. Western media initially framed HTS as “moderate rebels”, but they’ve since persecuted minorities like AlawitesAlawites are an Arab group that follows Alawism, a Shia-based understanding of Islam., Christians, and Kurds just as harshly. For Kurds in Rojava, who’ve built a secular, decentralized system since 2012, Assad’s fall means losing their hard-won autonomy. New rulers could dismantle their institutions or target them as “separatists”. So, while Kurds despise Assad, his regime’s stability — however oppressive — is a known variable. Without it, they face unpredictable threats from Islamist factions or the Turkish intervention.
Ahmed Al-Sharaa, leader of HTS and head of the interim administration in Damascus, signed the draft constitution for Syria’s transitional period, claiming that it establishes a “strict separation of powers” and guarantees freedoms, including women’s political and economic rights. At a press conference in the presidential palace, the drafting committee’s spokesperson asserted that the document addresses Syria’s historical lack of institutional balance, emphasizing that “since there was no separation of powers, we have deliberately chosen a strict separation”. The draft constitution outlines a framework that ostensibly protects “freedom of thought, expression, and the press” while ensuring “women’s social, economic, and political rights.” However, it retains Syria’s official name as the “Syrian Arab Republic” and designates Islam as the “primary source of law,” raising questions about how these guarantees will coexist with religiously derived legislation.
Key articles of the draft include:
— Syria remains the “Syrian Arab Republic”, rejecting any recognition of its ethnic or religious diversity in the state’s identity.
— Islam is enshrined as the primary legal source, undermining secular governance and minority rights.
— A vague pledge of equality for all citizens, with no mechanisms to address systemic discrimination against Kurds, Christians, and other groups.
— Legislative authority is granted to the Parliament, executive power to the President, and judicial independence is nominally affirmed — though the president retains unilateral authority to declare a state of emergency.
— Ministers report directly to the President, centralizing decision-making and enabling authoritarian overreach.
— While the Parliament can impeach the President or issue amnesties, these checks are theoretical in a system dominated by HTS-aligned factions.
— A five-year timeline for drafting a permanent constitution, overseen by a commission whose independence is questionable given HTS’s control.
— Rhetorical commitments to free expression and press freedom, alongside a pledge to respect international law — a stark contrast to HTS’s documented abuses.
The Syrian Democratic Council (MSD)It is a political wing of the SDF in Rojava. This wing is responsible for political representation of SDF and communication with other institutions. swiftly rejected the draft, calling it a “reproduction of dictatorship” that “does not represent our people or reflect Syria’s true identity.” In a scathing statement, the administration noted that while Syrians celebrated the fall of the Ba’ath regime, the new draft replicates its oppressive foundations, ignoring the country’s diversity. “The articles in this so-called temporary constitution are identical to the laws of the Ba’ath regime,” the statement read, highlighting its failure to acknowledge Kurds, Alawites, AssyriansAssyrians are the Indigenous people of the Mesopotamia region in Iran, Turkey, and Iraq. Assyrian communities also live in Syria., or other parts of a Syrian society. It criticized the document for perpetuating a “monistA philosophical term used to describe the process when diversity ends with one substance in any case. mindset” that centralizes power, stifles political pluralism, and disregards transitional justice, deepening national divisions. A legitimate constitution must emerge from a “genuine consensus” among all Syrians, establishing decentralization and democratic mechanisms rather than “exclusionary, narrow-minded perspectives”.
In its recent statement, the MSD reiterated that the “National Dialogue Congress” — the body behind the draft — lacked transparency and representation, excluding key social and political groups. “This draft creates a centralized administration, grants absolute powers to the government, and eliminates the path to a democracy”, the council stated, warning that it ignores Syria’s need for transitional justice and equitable power-sharing. The MSD demanded revisions to ensure recognition of all peoples in Syria, protection of political freedoms, and a decentralized system that reflects the country’s pluralism. “Syria is the country for all of us,” the statement concluded. “We do not accept the re-establishment of a despotic system”.
Critics argue that the draft’s contradictions — such as praising women’s rights while subordinating a law to Islam — expose its hollow promises. By retaining the Ba’athist model of centralized authority and Sunni Arab dominance, the document risks reigniting the very conflicts that fueled Syria’s uprising. Without inclusive participation, any “transition” will merely recycle oppression under a new banner.
HTS’s Islamist ideology alienates not only Kurds but Alawites*, Christians, DruzeThe Druze are an ethnoreligious minority that largely identifies as Arab and is Arabic-speaking.The Druze religion grew out of Ismaili Shia Islam in the 11th century but has evolved to include aspects of other religions, including Hinduism, as well as ancient philosophies., and YazidisYazidis are a Kurdish-speaking ethnic group in Syria, Turkey, Iran, and Iraq. They follow Yazidism — a pre-Zoroastrian Iranic faith.. Any deal perceived as empowering HTS will provoke backlash from these groups, who fear a repeat of ISIS-style persecution.
*I would like to remind our readers that HTS forces are brutally suppressing an Alawite uprising against the new government in the coastal regions. Following several attacks on government troops in the provinces of Latakia and Tarsus, the army launched massacres targeting civilians. People are being killed by the hundreds in the streets and even in their own homes, with the perpetrators unabashedly filming their atrocities.
As a result, approximately 10,000 Syrian civilians, predominantly Alawites and Christians, have been relocated to a Russian military base under the directive of Lieutenant General Sergei Kuralenko, commander of the Russian military police. To accommodate the displaced families, over 500 military tents have been set up, with the Russian government providing food, medical care, and essential services. Despite claims by Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham about offering assistance, no aid from the group has reached the base, according to reports.
Russian authorities reported that HTS militants and representatives of Syria’s new administration attempted to infiltrate the camp but were intercepted and expelled by the Russian military police. The Russian military has urged civilians facing threats of violence, particularly in the conflict zones, to seek shelter at the Hmeimim baseA Syrian airbase which shares some airfield facilities with Latakia Airport. Russia operates this base since 2015., emphasizing that the access to the facility is restricted to unauthorized individuals without Moscow’s approval.
Is it possible that Turkey, Israel, Russia’s politics and influence in the region will change somehow as a result of Assad’s regime fall?
— Ankara hates Kurdish autonomy. With al-JoulaniAhmed Hussein al-Sharaa, also known by his former alias as Abu Mohammad al-Joulani, the leader of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham. Al-Sharaa is currently serving as the president of Syria since January 2025. in power, Turkey might accelerate its occupation of Kurdish regions. Erdogan, already mobilizing proxies in Syria, could exploit the chaos to launch a long-threatened invasion of Kurdish cities like Manbij or Kobane, framing it as a “counter-terrorism” operation.
— Moscow lost Assad — their Syrian puppet — but they’ll adapt. (And, as I write this comment, fierce fighting has erupted around Russian military bases in Syria. How Russia will respond remains an open question.)
— Israel’s dilemma: should they support Kurds — who they’ve quietly aided — to counter both HTS and Iran? Or bomb HTS indiscriminately, risking a regional war? Either way, Kurdish civilians lose. They’d also worry about Kurdish areas becoming Iranian transit routes.
The Kurdish motto, “No friends but the mountains”, remains tragically relevant.
What are the key points about the Kurdish struggle that we should know if we want to be in solidarity with you?
Kurds are the largest stateless people, with a population over 30 million, split across Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran. In northeast Syria, Kurds built a pluralistic system with women’s councils, eco-socialist ideals, and minority inclusion.
As an ally, do support the right to self-governance without foreign occupation (looking at you, Turkey).
Kurds defeated ISIS on the ground, losing at least 11,000 fighters, but were abandoned by the U.S. in 2019In 2019, Donald Trump made a decision to abandon Kurdish fighters in Syria as fulfilling a campaign promise to withdraw from “endless war” in the Middle East. Kurdish forces heavily relied on the U.S. backing. when Trump greenlit Turkey’s invasion. Solidarity means pressuring governments to stop selling arms to Turkey or legitimizing their attacks.
Turkey brands all Kurdish activists as terrorists. Learn the difference between the PKK and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), who are allies against ISIS. Reject blanket criminalization of Kurdish movements.
Kurds are stuck between dictators, jihadists, and imperialist powers that exploit them. Solidarity isn’t about romanticizing their struggle but amplifying their demand for agency.
Let Kurds speak for themselves.
Listen to Kurdish voices, not just governments or sensationalist media.
And never forget that the Kurdish fight for dignity is a litmus test for whether “human rights” are a liberal slogan or a universal value.
When ISIS besieged Kobane in 2014, it was Kurdish fighters who held the line. Yet today, Turkey bombs the same people. That’s the Kurdish reality: used as pawns, then discarded. Solidarity means refusing to look away.
Leyla Ax,
an artist
What do you think about the fall of the regime in Syria? Does it offer any hope for the Kurds in Syria and beyond, or does it bring more fear and uncertainty?
The collapse of the Ba’ath regime in Syria, although delayed, marks the end of an era. Another of the last representatives of garrison-type statesA state organized to serve primarily its own need for military security., based on the Soviet-anti-Soviet balance and disconnected from society, has now disappeared from the stage of history. The political transformations that took place globally in the 1990s also affected Syria, which is described as the heart of the Middle East, and forced the country to integrate into Western-centered power blocs.
However, it is difficult to say that this transformation has resulted in a stable political and social structure in Syria. On the contrary, the emerging power vacuum has laid the groundwork for new conflicts and uncertainties.
Syria has always been of strategic importance throughout history. In the recent past, its significance increased further due to the Soviet-anti-Soviet rivalry, elevating it to a key geopolitical position. Today, Syria plays a decisive role in power struggles over the Middle East, the Mediterranean, and North Africa. Additionally, it is located on the most suitable route for transporting energy resources from Asia to global markets.
Therefore, the fall of the regime in Syria is not just the overthrow of a local government but rather the restructuring of global power balances. However, a critical point here is how this transformation will impact the people of the region. While a change has occurred in Syria, it remains uncertain whether it will bring prosperity and security to the population.
This collapse signifies the elimination of one of the most important remnants of the Soviet Bloc, which disintegrated in the 1990s. This development has dealt a major blow to Russia’s ambitions for dominance in the Middle East, the Mediterranean, and North Africa. Similarly, Iran’s regional hegemony efforts, based on the so-called “axis of resistance” and the Shiite Crescent, have suffered a significant setback.
Although Russia still maintains its military bases in Latakia and Tartus, this is not enough to compensate for the regime’s loss. However, it is expected that Russia will develop new tactics to maintain its interests in the region, and Iran will continue to assert its influence in Syria through proxy groups.
Thus, the fall of the Ba’ath regime does not mean that these actors will completely withdraw from the region. The Ba’ath regime has always been problematic in terms of its ideological foundations, establishment process, institutionalization, and practices. This garrison-state structure became even more rigid during the civil war.
The regime’s ties with a society weakened significantly, and its legitimacy in the international arena was largely erased. Over time, it managed to survive only by relying entirely on Russia and Iran as proxy forces. However, the difficulties Russia and Iran faced on other fronts also had significant repercussions in Syria, accelerating the regime’s collapse.
Yet, the regime’s fall does not necessarily mean liberation for the Syrian people. Without the establishment of a new political structure, uncertainty and chaos in the region will persist.
A society’s change and development yield healthy outcomes when internal and external dynamics work in harmony. This process moves society forward, fosters renewal, and provides a foundation for the emergence of new ideas, cultures, and ways of life. However, changes based solely on internal dynamics can be violently suppressed by authoritarian regimes. Conversely, external interventions alone, as seen in Afghanistan, can lead to disastrous outcomes.
In this context, the transformation occurring in Syria is primarily driven by external dynamics, making it difficult to establish a structure based on the will of the people. The changes occurring in Syria largely lack internal dynamics. The country’s internal forces have been rendered ineffective, while resisting groups such as the Kurds, Druze, Christians, and Alawite Arabs are being forcibly suppressed.
As a result, external powers are playing the dominant role in shaping developments. However, these external dynamics are fragmented, with different powers pursuing conflicting interests. Due to the conflicting agendas of regional and international actors, the prospect of lasting peace in Syria remains highly uncertain in the near future.
The collapse of the Ba’ath regime and the expulsion of Russia and Iran from Syria is a significant step for Syrian society. However, the crucial question remains: What comes next? At present, no one can provide a definitive answer to this question. Who will establish a new order, where, and how? These uncertainties remain unresolved. None of the groups that have taken control appear to have an inclusive governance model that encompasses all segments of Syrian society.
For the Kurds in particular, the regime’s fall may seem like an opportunity, but there are major uncertainties regarding how the new administrations will approach Kurdish political and cultural rights.
It is unrealistic to expect a positive future under the rule of radical groups such as Al-QaedaAl-Qaeda is a pan-Islamist militant organization led by Sunni jihadists who self-identify as a vanguard spearheading a global Islamist revolution to unite the Muslim world under a supra-national Islamic caliphate., ISIS, and the Muslim Brotherhood coalitionThe Society of the Muslim Brothers, better known as the Muslim Brotherhood, is a transnational Sunni Islamist organization founded in Egypt by Islamic scholar and schoolteacher Hassan al-Banna in 1928.. In this regard, the greatest threat to the Kurds is the potential for an increased oppression and violence if the new government falls into the hands of Salafi and other extremist groups.
Currently, these groups, despite having taken power, have already launched a campaign of persecution against the Alawites. It is highly likely that in the coming period, the Kurds, Druze, and other ethnic groups will also be targeted. The only reason why the Kurds and Druze are not currently under direct attack is their strong self-defense mechanisms and the influence of international actors. However, this is only a temporary situation.
From a Kurdish perspective, the fall of the regime may seem like a beacon of hope, but the current reality is fraught with uncertainty and anxiety. The Kurds must strengthen both their political and military structures to protect their existing gains. Additionally, they must establish solid diplomatic relations internationally and form regional alliances. If the Kurds fail to secure a legal framework for their current achievements and do not engage in strategic agreements with international actors, they are likely to face even greater repression under the new regime.
A possible scenario is that the Kurds, Druze, Christians, and Alawites could organize and form a joint political structure. If a balance can be struck among these groups, a federal governance model may emerge as a viable option. The legalization of the current de facto situation and the establishment of a governance system that includes all societal groups could provide a path forward for Syria.
Is it possible that Turkey, Israel, Russia’s politics and influence in the region will change somehow as a result of Assad’s regime fall?
Turkey’s conflicts with the Assad regime were based on two main reasons. First, Turkey saw the Assad regime and its allies, Russia and Iran, as obstacles to its neo-Ottoman expansionist ambitions in the region. For this reason, it sought to overcome this obstacle by any means necessary. Second, Turkey was frustrated by the Assad regime’s refusal to launch a large-scale military operation against the Kurds.
Over the past decade, Turkey’s primary strategy in Syria has been to implement a policy against the Kurds that mirrors the forced displacement policies once applied to the Armenians in the early 20th century. Despite all the pressure, Assad did not accept Turkey’s demand for military action against the Kurds. However, Turkey took advantage of every opportunity to occupy Kurdish-populated areas through ground operations and conduct aerial bombings and assassinations.
After the collapse of the Assad regime, there has been no change in Turkey’s regional policies; on the contrary, its aggressive approach has intensified. Kurdish-populated areas continue to be subjected to relentless airstrikes. Assassinations carried out by drones are increasing daily, and Turkey’s proxy forces, including around 80,000 fighters trained and funded by Ankara, have been actively mobilized against the Kurds. For months, areas such as Tel Rifaat, Shehba, Aleppo, Tishrin, and Kobane have been under constant attack.
Moreover, the fall of Assad’s regime has further expanded Turkey’s influence in the region. Turkey now has more freedom to expand its military presence in Syria and strengthen its de facto control over occupied territories. This has led to increased pressure not only on the Kurds but also on Arab, Turkmen, and other communities in northern Syria. Turkey’s policy of demographic engineering — resettling Arab and Turkmen populations in formerly Kurdish-majority areas — has significantly altered the region’s ethnic composition.
It is highly likely that Turkey will escalate its military and diplomatic efforts to exert influence over Syria’s new administration. Ankara may attempt to negotiate a settlement with the new regime to secure its role in shaping Syria’s future, or it may opt for direct military control through further invasions.
Ultimately, the fall of Assad’s regime has not led to a moderation of Turkey’s policy related to Syria; instead, it has emboldened its expansionist and interventionist stance. This shift not only poses a greater threat to the Kurds but also opens the door for Turkey to expand its military and political influence throughout the region.
What Are the Essential Things We Should Know About the Kurdish Struggle If We Want to Stand in Solidarity?
The Middle East has long been a battleground of conflicts and imperialist ambitions, a region marked by a history of violence, oppression, and betrayal. The wounds of this history are most deeply felt by the Armenians, Jews, and Kurds, the latter of whom have been subjected to relentless persecution and denied basic national rights. Over the past century, the Kurds have endured massacres, forced displacements, and systematic oppression, yet they have survived and continued their struggle for recognition and self-determination.
One fundamental truth of history is that every community aspires to live freely within its own identity. Just as any other people dreams of freedom, so do the Kurds, who have pursued this dream with determination for over 200 years. Through countless setbacks and sacrifices, the Kurdish people — across all social, political, and ideological spectrums — have been united in their pursuit of self-determination. However, this struggle is not merely a fight for territorial autonomy but also a broader movement for cultural survival, political representation, and human rights.
Unlike many other national movements, the Kurdish struggle is unique in its fragmented nature, as it spans across four different states — Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria — each with distinct political dynamics. In Iraq, Kurds have achieved partial autonomy with an officially recognized Kurdish Regional Government, while in Syria, the de facto autonomous region of Rojava has emerged as a model of grassroots democracy. However, in Turkey and Iran, Kurdish political movements continue to face severe state repression. These differing contexts have created complex political challenges but also opportunities for cross-border Kurdish solidarity.
The Kurdish movement is not just about nationalism or independence; it is also deeply rooted in principles of democracy, gender equality, and social justice. The Rojava model, for example, has garnered international attention for its emphasis on multi-ethnic self-administration, women’s leadership, and grassroots governance. However, despite these achievements, the Kurds remain vulnerable to shifting geopolitical alliances. The support that Western powers, particularly the United States, have given to Kurdish forces in the fight against ISIS has been largely transactional, lacking long-term political guarantees. The Kurdish struggle is thus not just against authoritarian regimes but also against the hypocrisy and betrayal of international actors who use Kurdish fighters when convenient but abandon them when their strategic interests shift.
The greatest immediate challenge facing the Kurdish movement today is the growing threat posed by extremist Islamist groups and nationalist regimes. Currently, the coalition of Al-Qaeda-linked groups, ISIS remnants, and the Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated factions in Syria pose a direct existential threat to Kurdish communities. Although these groups have taken power in various regions, they have already begun targeting religious and ethnic minorities, including the Alawites.
It is only a matter of time before Kurds, Druze, and other minorities face the same fate. The only factor preventing immediate mass persecution is the Kurds’ strong self-defense forces and the fragile balance of international interests. However, this is not a sustainable form of protection.
For the Kurdish struggle to succeed in the long term, it must be supported by meaningful international solidarity and strategic diplomatic efforts. If the Kurds fail to institutionalize their current gains and do not secure legal and political recognition for their status, they will continue to face existential threats from both regional and global actors.
One potential path forward is for the Kurds, Druze, Christians, and Alawites to unite and form a common political platform. If these groups can establish a shared vision for governance, a federal system may emerge as a viable solution. The formalization of existing de facto autonomous regions and the creation of an inclusive governance framework could provide a sustainable way out of Syria’s ongoing crisis.
In summary, the Kurdish struggle is not just about reclaiming lost rights; it is a fight for a more just, democratic, and pluralistic Middle East. For those who wish to stand in solidarity, the most crucial role is to amplify Kurdish voices, challenge international hypocrisy, and support efforts to establish a lasting political solution that respects the rights of all peoples in the region.
Sarah Zilan Kößler,
an Amed-born youth psychotherapist, refugees counsellor, and children’s book author. Zilan coordinates hosted external events at Spore (Berlin), and assists with community outreach. She works as a bridge builder between Europe and the democratic women’s self-administration structures in Rojava.
How do you feel about the fall of the Assad regime in Syria? Does it bring hope for the Kurds in Syria and beyond, or rather fear and uncertainty?
From the perspective of a democratic confederalism and the Kurdish freedom movement, the fall of the Assad regime is not automatically a source of hope or a threat — it depends on which political forces take control next. The Kurds in Rojava have never relied on a state or a government but rather on the self-organization of society. On the one hand, the fall of the regime presents an opportunity to further expand autonomy and democratic structures in North and East Syria. On the other hand, political shifts also bring new uncertainties, particularly due to the power vacuum that could now be exploited by both external and internal actors.
The greatest threat comes from Turkey, which has long sought to destroy Kurdish self-administration in Syria. Additionally, Islamist groups or other reactionary forces may attempt to take advantage of the newly emerging situation.
From women’s perspectives, the fall of Assad does not automatically mean improvement. The Kurdish women’s movement has demonstrated in recent years that true liberation does not come from a regime change, but through the construction of a democratic society with gender liberation as its foundation. If the new political order is dominated by conservative or nationalist forces, the hard-won achievements of women could be at risk.
How Could the Politics and Influence of Turkey, Israel, and Russia in the Region Change After Assad’s Fall?
— Turkey views Kurdish self-administration in Rojava as an existential threat. With Assad’s fall, Ankara might attempt to act even more aggressively against Rojava — either through direct military invasions or by supporting Islamist groups to weaken the autonomous project. Erdogan could exploit the instability to expand Turkey’s influence in Syria and strengthen Turkish nationalism.
— Russia had long supported Assad to secure its geopolitical interests. With his downfall, Moscow may now seek to establish new alliances in Syria — either with remnants of the old regime or with other regional actors that align with its interests.
— Israel has always viewed the Syrian conflict through the lens of a threat from Iran. The fall of Assad could shift the balance of power in the region and impact Israel’s security policies. However, it remains unclear whether Israel would be willing to cooperate with new actors to ensure regional stability from its perspective.
For the Kurdish freedom movement, one thing remains crucial: No imperialist or colonial power — whether Turkey, Russia, or Israel — will bring a just solution for the peoples of Syria. A sustainable solution can only arise through self-organization and grassroots democratic structures.
What Are the Key Aspects of the Kurdish Struggle to Understand When Expressing Solidarity?
— Democratic Confederalism: The Kurdish freedom movement does not fight for a nation-state but for a radically democratic, ecological, and gender-liberated society. This means that every community — regardless of ethnicity or religion — self-organizes rather than relying on a centralized state.
— Women’s Liberation: The women’s revolution is the heart of the Kurdish movement. Without the liberation of women, there is no true freedom. The Kurdish women’s movement focuses on self-defense, education, and building equal structures in all areas of society.
— Ecology: Capitalist modernity destroys nature, while democratic confederalism promotes a sustainable, community-based way of life. The fight for ecological justice is a core part of the Kurdish movement.
— Anti-Colonial and Anti-Imperialist Stance: The Kurdish movement rejects all imperialist interference and stands for self-determination of peoples. It calls for true international solidarity from grassroots movements — not from states or capitalist institutions.
Anyone wishing to show solidarity should engage with these principles, integrate them into their own political practice, and actively support self-administration structures in Rojava and other parts of Kurdistan.
The media resources about Rojava recommended by Aisha, one of text’s authors:
telegram channels:
International Revolution t.me/International_Rev
commune.info t.me/communeinfo
Dengê Kurdistanê t.me/denge_krd
HPG Rûsî t.me/HPG_Rusi
HPG Ermenî t.me/HPG_Ermeni
Lêgerîn Magazine t.me/legerinmagazine
Şehîdên Me t.me/sehiden_me
Kurdish Front News t.me/KurdishFrontNews
𝐊𝐮𝐫𝐝𝐢𝐬𝐡 𝐇𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐲 t.me/kurdishistory
instagram accounts:
Women Defend Rojava instagram.com/women_defend_rojava
Young Internationalist Women Commune Of Rojava instagram.com/young_internationalist_women
Riseup4Rojava instagram.com/_riseup4rojava_
Kongra Star instagram.com/star_kongra
Defend Kurdistan International instagram.com/dfnd_krdstn
YPG & YPJ International instagram.com/ypgint